Both in-house and freelance technical translators are key elements in the software localization and services industry. Software publishers can purchase expensive translation memory tools and even machine translation applications but without human translators, it will not be that easy for them to profit from the sale of their localized applications. So, why are translators so invisible? This is a question that haunts me every day.
Invisibility is a term that refers to the state of an object that cannot be seen. In-house and freelance translators seldom have the opportunity to talk directly with the software publisher’s customers. It is the sales people who are in direct contact with the customers. Eventually, when a customer files a Problem Report*, the “issue” is submitted to the software engineers and, later, sent over to the in-house translator to take care of it in the localized version. In-house translators are salaried employees and they drive or ride to their corporate offices every day. On the other hand, a large number of freelance translators contract with Language Service Providers (LSPs) to work remotely in a digital world where workers keep in touch through communication networks. This latter group then, is even farther removed from those customers/readers than in-house translators are, since: 1) most of them do not have any contact with their in-house counterparts due to strict company policies; and 2) generally, they do not have access to the software applications they are translating during the production stage.
A quick search in ProZ.com boasts over 250,000 registered users (translators, linguists and interpreters). This is a virtual global directory for the translation community. Hundreds of transactions take place through this Web site on a daily basis (a growing brokerage system that allows freelance and interpreters translators from all over the world to offer their professional services to translation agencies and corporations for a mutually agreed upon fee). Seldom do these translators have personal contact with the project managers or project coordinators of the agencies for whom they work. This digital and remote working capability has been enabled thanks to the functionality and efficiency of communications technology, the Internet, translation memory software and the computerization of translator’s activities.
In more traditional US professions, like law and medicine, both attorneys and physicians have more direct contact with their clients or patients due to the nature of their work. As Baird states, “How we lawyers live, how we talk, what we look like, indeed what we seem to be, combine to generate an over-all impression in the public mind” (1958: 643). Technical translators, by comparison, would seem to be nearly invisible to their audience. Our readers/customers might have an occasional glimpse of how we do our jobs, but they certainly have not developed a mental image of who we are, what our names are, what we look like and what we seem to be, what formal education we have, or, for that matter, how we live.
Why are software translators kept invisible? Is translation turnover high in the corporate world? And if so, why is it high? Is software translation a temporary career for most its practitioners, in other words, is it a road to nowhere? Would we feel better if software applications included a list of the developers’ and translators’ names on their jackets or the publisher’s Web site? On the other hand, is it fair to lend our names to recycled translations, that is, localized strings that we never translated but are part of the overall software application we are in charge of?
In 1990 Lambert and Hermans conducted a study to analyze the translation job market in Belgium, focusing mainly on job satisfaction among business translators. They wanted to find out “why was job satisfaction among translators in business environments as low as it seems to be” (ibid.: 150). For this purpose they interviewed translators engaged in “technical or business translation” and working in local, international and multinational companies located in that country.
Regarding working conditions, the study found that (ibid.: 155):
- In-house translators do not feel fully at home since they are considered “as lower-category employees” (ibid.: 156).
- Translators have no clear legal status. No diploma or test is required to work.
- Translation is still a black market. “Secretaries and friends of managers continue to produce business texts” (ibid.: 155). When managers need a translator, they would have their secretaries or friends do it, and pay them for the work, rather than hire a professional translator. Translation is not considered a serious business. Therefore, “outsiders can take care of it” (ibid.: 155).
Lambert and Herman’s conclusions regarding the translators’ attitudes towards their work are as follows (ibid.: 155):
- Though their salaries might be descent, “translators are not really part of the overall management” (ibid.: 156).
- Translation project deadlines are unreasonable or non-existent (Lambert 2006: 157).
- Communication is unidirectional: little or no feedback before, during and after the project has been completed (ibid.: 157).
- The speed and quality of the task is “mechanical”, which implies that even though the company has hired an expert, he or she cannot establish her own strategies or rules (ibid.: 157).
Below are Lambert and Herman’s conclusions as far as the translation process itself is concerned:
- The translation process is planned without the intervention of any language expert (ibid.: 157).
- The evaluation or feedback on the employer’s behalf is rare. It is generally initiated by an external complaint (customer).
- Instruction sheets are more common but still exceptional in certain fields, like in television (ibid.: 157).
- Feedback on the translation is rare between the commissioner and the translator (ibid.: 157).
Some in-house translators see translation as a stepping-stone to a more lucrative corporate position, for instance, project management. And some would put up with working for as many years as it takes to jump onto a management career that guarantees a move to a desk in a real office with a window, and, of course, more autonomy.
What other salaried positions in the US allows in-house translators the opportunity to use their language skills 8 hours a day, five days a week? What about bilingual assistants? They are generally in charge of planning, reporting, controlling, budgeting, forecasting and, yes, some translating. In other words, translation is not their core responsibility.
Physicians, and attorneys, for instance, work in their capacities almost all their lives. Most of them have a passion for what they do and are proud of it. Some physicians might leave their general practice for a more specialized field, or in the case of attorneys, they might go from being a trial lawyer to being a judge. But they remain within their own field (medicine or law).
In all my years working as a translator I have met many colleagues who happened to be translators because they needed to make a living one way or another, and knowing two languages allowed them to fulfill their financial needs. Consequently, as soon as they were offered a better-paying job, involving other responsibilities and duties, they soon moved to the new position (I am not judging). So, is translation a real career or a secondary career that we can resort to whenever we need due to different circumstances?
I am using the concept of invisibility in two different layers. First, the translator is seen as an intermediary between the source text and the target text. As Robinson notes “the translator is a ‘medium’ or mediator who channels the ‘spirit’ or voice or meaning or intention of the source author across linguistic and cultural and temporal barriers to a new audience that could not have understood that source author without such mediation” (2007: 2). It seems that when readers do not realize that they are reading a translation, the translator has fulfilled his/her mission: the message has been clearly conveyed, and therefore, the performer of the translational act remains invisible. Readers focus more on the finished product, the translated document or application software. Most of them think of translation as a mechanical act, just like closing the garage door, or turning on the oven, something we do without much thinking. “Translation remains an invisible activity perceived as a form of mechanical code-switching” (Koskinen 2008: 67).
Physicians, and attorneys, for instance, work in their chosen fields almost all their working lives. Most of them have a passion for what they do and are proud of it. Generally speaking, they remain in their jobs for their entire career. Bronte (1993) classified the variety of career experiences into three categories. The first category, the ‘homesteaders’, includes those individuals who are faithful to their jobs, that is, who remain in the same job for their entire career. Some physicians might opt to leave general practice and enter more specialized fields, like cardiology, rheumatology, etc. But basically, they do not change careers, they move once or twice from one field to another but they remain within the medical profession. In the case of attorneys, one might go from working as a trial lawyer to becoming a judge. Or, in a few cases, the other way around, some judges retire from the bench to become advocates in private practice. But they remain within their own field, one way or another. Many professionals are ‘homesteaders’, they are engaged to their careers.
The second category mentioned by Bronte is that of the ‘transformers”, that is, workers who make one or two significant changes during the course of their careers. And the third group is composed of the ‘explorers”, those individuals who wade in and out of careers not being sure, perhaps, what they are after.
The second layer in the meaning of the term invisibility refers to the flexible nature of this language career. Some of us tend to work in this field only occasionally. “Interpreters and translators held about 41,000 jobs in 2006 (in the US). However, the actual number of interpreters and translators is probably significantly higher because many work in the occupation only sporadically” (US Bureau of Labor Statistics). Consequently, the focus on the product rather than the doer and the sporadic nature of our careers are contributing factors to our invisibility.
References:
Koskinen, Kaisa. 2008. Translating Institutions: AN Ethnographic Study of EU Translation. Manchester and New York: St. Jerome Publishing.
Lambert, José. 2006. Functional Approaches to Culture and Translation: Selected Papers. Amsterdam and Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing Company.
Robinson, Doug. 2007. The Invisible Hands that Control Translation. http://www.fti.uab.es/sgolden/colloquium/invisible.html. Visited September 2009.
Tags: Translators - Visibility,